Year in review (by The Ukrainian Weekly) 1981

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www.ukrweekly.com The Ukrainian Weekly was founded in 1933 to serve the Ukrainian American community and to function as a vehicle for communication of that community's concerns to the general public in the United States. Today the English-language newspaper publishes news about Ukraine and Ukrainians around the world; its readership, though mostly North American, is worldwide. The Ukrainian Weekly's editorial offices are in Parsippany, NJ. It is published by the Ukrainian National Association, a fraternal benefit life insurance society, based in Parsippany, NJ. Read more at www.ukrweekly.com
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  6 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY. DECEMBER 27, i98i No. 52 1981: an overview Dissent in Ukraine November 9, 1981, was the fifthanniversary of the founding of theUkrainian Public Group to Promotethe implementation of the HelsinkiAccords in Kiev by 10 Ukrainianhuman-rights activists in responseto the previous year's signing of theHelsinki Accords.And just as the Kiev group's Me–morandumNo. 1 made clear - Thestruggle for human rights will notcease until these rights become theeveryday standard in social life -rights activists continued to speakout in 1981. And the Sovietsresponded with their usual severity,perhaps for fear that the Polish con– tagion would spread to neighboringUkraine.Perhaps most poignant was therecently reported story of four Kievresidents in their 20s who werearrested and sentenced in late Junefor nothing more then posting leaf- lets urging their countrymen toobserve January 12 as the Day ofSolidarity with Ukrainian PoliticalPrisoners. The four - Serhiy Na– boka, Leonid Miliavsky, lnna Cher–niavska and Larysa Lokhvytska -were sentenced to three years eachin Soviet prison camps for whatSoviet justice calls slander of theSoviet state. Among the othercharges brought against them were:writing slanderous articles andpoetry, orally praising the Solidaritytrade union, holding a negativeopinion of the Soviet presence inAfghanistan, and disseminatingvarious writings.Events in Poland did appear tohave an affect on Ukraine.Several workers' strikes - inprotest to wages and working condi–tions - were reported at manufac–turing plants in Ukraine, including amotorcycle plant and a concretefactory. The consumers also madetheir displeasure known, accordingto recent reports of disturbancesprompted by food and consumer-goods shortages in the lvano-Fran–kivske and Prypiat areas.And a Ukrainian worker from Kievimprisoned for the ever-popularcrime of slander, in a November 4, 1980, letter that reached the West inthe summer of 1981, actually urgedthe establishment of independentlabor unions in the USSR, whilepointing to the Polish experience.Repressions of Ukrainians conti–nued across the board and in variousforms. Among the more prominentcases were the following:Seventy-six-year-old Oksana Me– New political prisoner Raisa Rudenko. j The Weekly's commemoration of theUkrainian Helsinki Group's fifth anni–versary. shko, the acting chairman of thealready decimated Ukrainian Hel– sinki Group was sentenced on Ja–nuary 6 to six-months' imprison–ment and five years' exile on chargesof anti-Soviet agitation and propa–ganda. Twenty-year-old former student(he had been expelled from theuniversity because of his fatherPetro's and brother vasyl's rightsactivities) volodymyr Sichko wassentenced on January 9 to threeyears' imprisonment. His father andbrother, both Kiev group members,were already serving three-yearterms.The father of volodymyr lvasiuk,the young Ukrainian composer whowas found murdered in 1979, wasassaulted in the spring by the usual unknown hooligans'as he attempt–ed to visit his son's grave.lvan Kandyba, who was the onlyUkrainian Helsinki Group memberremaining free, was sentenced onJuly 24 to 10 years of imprisonmentand five years of exile.Dr. Mykola Plakhotniuk, a long- time rights activist, wasassaulted byhooligans and later arrested byauthorities on September 6.On September 11, Raisa Rudenko,wife of the imprisoned foundingmember and first chairman of theKiev group Mykola Rudenko, wassentenced to five years' imprison–ment and five years' exile for dis–serninating anti-Soviet materials. She had been reported missingsince April 15, and it was not untilJuly 30 that it was learned that shehad in fact been arrested on April 15.Yuriy Shukhevych, the eternalprisoner, is now going into his 30thyear as a Soviet political prisoner.His crime: refusing to renounce hisfather Roman Shukhevych (TarasChuprynka), commander-in-chiefof the Ukrainian insurgent Army(UPA).Meanwhile, in the United States,on February 3, the CongressionalCommission on Security andCooperation in Europe nominatedfour Soviet political prisoners for the1981 Nobel Peace Prize: UkrainianMykola Rudenko, Russian YuriyOrlov, Jew Anatoly Shcharanskyand Lithuanian victoras Petkus. Madrid Conference This was the year the MadridConference became a diplomaticmarathon. The 35-state meeting toreview implementation of the 1975Helsinki Accords on human rightsand detente began in November 1980, and lead-bottomed delegatesfrom the Warsaw Pact and the Westremain at loggerheads over suchkey issues as human rights and theparticulars of a post-Madrid disarm–ament Conference. A final com–munique is nowhere in sight.When the conference resumed onJanuary 27, the Soviet delegation,stung by criticism of its country'sawful human-rights record and theAfghanistan invasion during lastyear's sessions, responded by insist–ing that agreement at Madrid, andindeed the fate of the Helsinki pro-cess itself, hinged on the West'sacceptance of a proposal for afollow-up disarmament parley. TheNATO alliance had their own plan, and the meeting adjourned untilMay 5. The result? No progress. Themeeting was reconvened, but theonly agreement was to adjourn onJuly 27.When delegates returned to thebargaining table on October 27,both sides continued to haggleabout the nature of a post-Madriddisarmament meeting. The crabbySoviets dug in and stubbornly con– tinued to insist that so-called secu–rity confidence-building measures be extended to encompass zones of notification of troop mcvemp n,c or Political scene Ukrainians continued to maketheir concerns known on all levels ofgovernment and politics, and ap–parently they were heard as seenfrom the following.On March 12, 68 congressmensigned a letter to Soviet AmbassadorAnatoly Dobrynin initiated by NewJersey Rep. Millicent Fenwick inwhich they called for the immediaterelease of Mykola Rudenko, the firstchairman of the Ukrainian HelsinkiGroup.in the spring, the Ad Hoc Com–mittee on the Baltic States andUkraine was formed by a group ofcongressmen who identify withissues of concern to the Baltic andUkrainian communities.On September 21, the House ofRepresentatives passed three sepa–rate resolutions urging interventionof the U.S. government in the casesof Ukrainians Yuriy Shukhevychand Yuriy Badzio, and Jew AnatolyShcharansky.On November 16, the Congres–sional Helsinki Commission (CSCE)heard testimony by Gen. Petro Gri– gorenko, Nina Strokata and volo–dymyr Malynkovych at a specialhearing held on the occasion of thefifth anniversary of the UkrainianHelsinki Group. The anniversaryobservances continued the nextday with a special order of theHouse sponsored by Pennsylvania Rep. Charles Dougherty, and at areception in tribute to the 37 mem–bers of the Kiev group.Later in November, over 100 U.S.senators and representatives joined Rep. Fenwick in a letter of protest toMr. Dobrynin. The topic: Sovietmilitary maneuvers which wouldinclude all Atlantic as well as Euro–pean air and seaspace.Іn exchange,they offered all Soviet territory to theUral Mountains to be included intheir notification zone. Deeming theSoviet position preposterous, theWest refused. The conference re–cessed on December 18, and isscheduled to resume on February 9.Throughout 1981, the Sovietshave attempted to talk the Helsinkiprocess to death. They would like toavoid any mention of their human-rights abuses in the final communi– que, something the U.S. delegationhas said must be included. So theycontinue to stall in the hope that theconference will eventually collapseunder its own tedium. For its part,the NATO alliance, which sees theconference as, at the very least, ahuge propaganda defeat for the Kremlin, is prepared to sit tight. Yet,the deadlock, and an East-Westsituation clearly exacerbated byevents in Poland, may just sound thedeath knell of detente and the Hel– sinki process.But, despite the mess, some head- way has been made at Madrid insuch areas as family reunification,measures against terrorism and therights of journalists. But both sidesremain ideologies apart on the keyissues, and the diplomatic stalematedoes not bode well for East-Westrelations or for the thousands ofHelsinki monitors and political pri– soners currently languishing inSoviet labor camps or internal exile.persecution of Ukrainian Helsinkimonitors.By the end of 1981, over 60 con– gressmen had joined New JerseyReps.Bernard Dwyer and Christo–pher Smith as co-sponsors of HouseConcurrent Resolution 205 whichcalls on President Ronald Reagan toproclaim a day in honor of theUkrainian Helsinki Group and seekthe release of its members.in state politics, New Jersey Ukrai– nians and other ethnics made theirmark. As Republican Tom Kean andDemocrat James Florio scrambledfor the ethnic vote in the squeaker ofa gubernatorial election, the state'sparty platforms recognized ethnicconcerns.The Democrats pledged to be sensitive to the differing culturesand languages which must be takeninto consideration in the provisionof services to the people of NewJersey, to strengthen the ethnicadvisory council and to continue toplan and develop the activities of theNew Jersey Ethnic Center.The Republicans came out insupport of review by educators ofhistorical texts and curricula withthe aim of improving the accuracywith which peoples of foreign landsare described and depicted. Ukrainians and other ethnics wereconcerned about the new Reaganadministration's policies. Ethnicsexpressed their disenchantmentwith the administration's lack of res– ponsiveness to ethnics andpointed to the fact that anoffice of ethnic affairs like the onethat had existed under PresidentsJimmy Carter and Gerald Ford, hadnot been set up. in its stead, theReagan administration tapped Jack  No. 52 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, DECEMBER n, i98i 7 1981: an overview Burgess, who holds the position ofspecial assistant to the president -office of public liaison, to serve alsoas liaison to the ethnic and Catho–lic communities. An assistant secretary of state forhuman rights and humanitarianaffairs was finally named and con-firmed in mid-November in the per–son of Elliot Abrams.The previous nominee, ErnestLefever had been forced to withdrawhis named from consideration afterthe Senate Foreign Relations Com–mittee in June voted 13-4 against Dr.Lefever because of his controversialwritings, some of which advocateddumping human-rights laws.Talk then began of reorganiza– tion, and of changing the rightsbureau's name and functions; someadministration officials even saidthat the position might be scrappedaltogether.But, human rights concerns,thanks to the furor raised by human-rights groups and ethnics, prevailedand the was post was filled. Poland Undoubtedly this year's mostheart-wrenching and bittersweetstory, at first the source of suchheady optimism but ultimately thesymbol of dashed hopes and thetenacity of evil, has been the drama-tic situation in Poland, it has to beone of the most disheartening andtragic events in a particularly bizarre^year that saw the attempted assassi–riations of President RonaldReagan, Pope John Paul ll and themurder of Egyptian President Art-war Sadat.The story of Poland in 1981 is thestory of the Polish nation's efforts,spearheaded by the 10-millionstrong Solidarity free tradeunion,tovent the stale air of Communistconfinement and chart its destiny inan atmosphere.of burgeoning free–dom. it is the valiant struggle ofworkers in a workers' state, fightinghard to sustain the momentum ofsocial renewal embodied in theconcessions so bravely won inGdansk in August 1980.Bolstered by that agreement,Solidarity held an extraordinaryconvention in June run on demo–cratic principles which vowed toreform a provenly bankrupt politicaland economic system, and put Po–land firmly back on its feet. Swept upin the maelstrom of reform, the PolishCommunist Party held its congressin July and, in an unprecedentedmove for an East Bloc country,elected Stanislaw Kania party secre–tary by secret ballot from a slate ofcandidates.But as events unfolded, thegloomy pall cast by the shadow ofan increasingly restive Soviet lea–dership hung over the Polish demo–cratization process like a menacingstorm cloud. Poland's CommunistParty, discredited and seeminglyemasculated, stiffened its opposi– tion, and threatened to roll back theconcessions promised at Gdansk.By October, the pressure brought tobear by the saber-rattling Kremlinproved too much, and Communistparty boss Kania, the moderate andreluctant reformer, was ousted infavor ofGen.Wojciech Jaruzelski, amove roundly applauded in Mos–cow. The choice of Gen. Jaruzelskias prime minister, party first secre–tary and defense minister was anominous development. Never beforein Eastern Europe had a militaryman taken the helm of state, and theconsolidation of so much power inthe hands of the army was an un–mistakable signal that the Polishgovernment was drawing the line,indeed, a major confrontationseemed inevitable. With Westernbanks pressing the Eastern Euro–pean economic community to pay ЯЯИЙйс off Poland's astronomical debts tothe West, the stage was set for ashowdown.On December 13, backed by thesickening rumble of tanks in thestreets of Warsaw, Gen. Jaruzelskicracked the whip and, wrappinghimself in the Polish flag, declared astate of martial law in the name ofsaving Poland from itself. Despitethe general's nationalist overtones,it was Soviet intervention by proxy.Union officials were rounded upand interned, some reportedly inother East European countries.Lech Walesa, the leader of Solidarityand the symbol of Poland's renais–sance, is being held incommuni–cado. Thousands of Polish intellec–tuals, clergymen, scientists, artistsand filmmakers, including interna–tionally known director AndrzejWajda, were detained by authorities.Miners in Silesia have barricadedthemselves in the mines, threaten-in g to blow themselves u p if authori–ties intervene. Although all commu–nication from Poland has been cutoff, government sources have ad–mitted that seven miners were killedthus far in clashes with governmentforces. The final figure will probablybe much, much higher. Engaging insocial protest, strikes, or work slow-downs has become an offense pu–nishable by death.All too plainly the crackdown bythe Jaruzelski junta, (the MilitaryCouncil for National Salvation iscomposed of 15 generals, an admiraland four colonels) stage-managedby Moscow, has splintered the mythof Communist legitimacy in Polandonce and for all. Despite all of Gen.Jaruzelski's hollow assurances thatPoland will not regress into thedreary and strictly regimented sc–ciety of pre-Solidarity days, thegovernment's brutal betrayal of itsown citizens will never be forgotten,or forgiven. As in the Soviet Union,the government will stayin power only by the bayonetand mass repression notunlike the tyranny of Stalin's reign.The agony of Poland will serve as atragic reminder for all those either toyoung to remember - or too naiveto accept - the heinous legacy ofStalin, and a naked indictment of thebarren ideology that spawned himand those like Gen. Jaruzelski whofollow in his footsteps. Ukrainiansin the dock 1981 was a truly frustrating yearfor the Ukrainian community interms of trying to convince a recalci–trant Justice Department to aban–don its use of Soviet-supplied evi– dence in trials of Ukrainians accusedof failing to disclose alleged servicein German-controlled police unitsand similar data when they appliedfor U.S. residency after World War ll.Alarmingly, the number of suchtrials skyrocketed during the year.The year got off to a bad start onJanuary 27 when the Supreme Courtupheld an appellate court rulingstripping 73-year-pld Feodor Fedo–renko of his U.S. citizenship. Eventhough Mr. Fedorenko was clearedby a lower court of any war crimeswhen jurors refused to believe wit–nesses against him, the SupremeCourt ruled 7 to 2 that he wasobligated under law to have inform–ed immigration officials of his ser–vice as a camp guard, whether thatservice was voluntary or involun–tary, when he applied to enter thiscountry afterthewar. lnother words,the mere fact that he served theGermans, was enough grounds forrevocation of citizenship, eventhough he was judged completelyinnocent of a war crimes by a jury ofhis peers.The landmark ruling emboldenedthe Justice Department's Office ofSpecial investigations led by AllanA. Ryan Jr. to press on. On February 10, 61-year-old John Demjanjuk ofCleveland went on trial, accusedof being the notorious guard (vanthe Terrible in the Treblinka deathcamp. Again, the testimony of keyprosecution witnesses was video-taped in the Soviet Union, whichalso provided an identity card pur-porting to show Mr. Demjanjuk as ayoung guard. Moreover, the prose–cution withheld information from thedefense, including testimony of aTreblinka survivor living in Austra–lia who claimed another man was lvan the Terrible. On June 23, aCleveland court revoked Mr. Dem–janjuk's citizenship.On March 17, a Philadelphia courtstripped 76-year-old WolodymyrOsidach of his citizenship. Shortlyafterward, Mr. Osidach died.Also in Philadelphia, Serge Ko–walchuk, 61, went on trial for allegedservice in a German-controlledUkrainian police unit, in both cases,the Philadelphia media had a fieldday, irresponsibly labeling the de–fendants Nazis and murderers evenbefore the trials were complete.Such actions prompted the Ukrai–nian Anti-Defamation League toprotest, but its admonishment fellon deaf ears.Finally, on September 15 BohdanKoziy went on trial in Florida oncharges that he belonged to a Ukrai–nian police unit during the Germanoccupation of Ukraine. But, accord–ing to Ukrainian attorney AskoldLozynskyj,a new wrinkle was addedin the Koziy case. The government isreportedly trying to establish thatthe Organization of Ukrainian Na–tionalists (OUN) was responsible forwar crimes, and that membership inthe OUN could also disqualify anindividual from entry intotheUnitedStates if it went undeclared after thewar.Despite the entreaties of severalUkrainian organizations, Mr. Ryanand his group stubbornly refuse toaccept the notion that the Sovietshave a stake in discrediting theUkrainian community and, there-fore, Soviet evidence should beinadmissible. With a solipsism thatdefies reason, Mr. Ryan explainedthat he is unconcerned about thepolitical implications of using suchevidence.The Ukrainian community hasmobilized to try and reverse what itperceives as a gross miscarriage ofjustice. The law firm of Flis, Lozyn–skyj and Steck announced the esta–blishment of a Legal Defense Fundunder the aegis of the United Ukrai–nian American Relief Committee.in addition, representatives ofseveral East European organiza–tions in the United States are seek–ing a meeting with Attorney GeneralWilliam French Smith to discuss theOSl's tactics and the implications ofthese trials.Perhaps even more menacing,famed Nazi-hunter Simon Wiesen–thal has offered a proposal to WestGerman and American officials thatwould allow American citizens ac–cused of complicity in Nazi warcrimes to be extradited to Germanyfor trial without forcing the UnitedStates first to go through the longprocedure of stripping them of theircitizenship. Officials in both coun–tries are said to be seriously consi–dering the measure.Clearly, these events pose a po–tentially devasting threat to theUkrainian community in the dia–spora. if the government succeeds,for example, in establishing thatmembership in the OUN is groundsenough for possible denaturaliza–tion and deportation, then many ofthe leaders of some of the leadingand influential Ukrainian organiza–tions could be threatened, indeed,the entire community could be dis–credited andsilenced,largely on thebasis of information supplied bytheir long-time enemy—the Soviets.This pressing issue must be ad-dressed in the coming year by re–sponsible spokesmen in our com–munity, the sooner and the louderthe better. Ukrain ian-Jewishrelations 1981 was a mixed bag in terms ofUkrainian Jewish relations. Althoughthere were several concrete stepstaken in the direction of cooperationand mutual understanding, therewere also several instances of con– tinued tension, misunderstandingand open hostility. '' -An important inroad in terms ofUkrainian Jewish cooperation wasachieved when Jakiv Suslensky,head of the israeli-based Society ofUkrainian Jewish Relations, began atour of Canadian and U.S. cities inApril.Mr. Suslensky, a former Sovietpolitical prisoner whose life wassaved by his Ukrainian cellmates,met with community, leaders andadvocated the position that Ukrai–nians and Jews stop working at  THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, DECEMBER 27, i98i No. 52 1981: an overview cross-purposes, and concentrate onareas of commonality, such as theplight of Ukrainian and Jewish poli– tical prisoners in the USSR.Another positive step was Mr.Suslensky's meeting with Metropo–litan Stephen Sulyk of the Ukrai–nian Catholic Church on May 2. Twodays later, Metropolitan Sulyk metwith Rabbi Marc Tannenbaum, thespiritual director of the AmericanJewish Committee.in addition, Mr. Suslensky reveal–ed that he planned to help push forrecognition of the late MetropolitanAndrey Sheptytsky as one of the Righteous of the World, an honorbestowed by lsrael on individualswho helped save Jewish lives duringthe Holocaust, it was a positive stepin dispelling the growing myth ofUkrainian collaboration with theNazis.Needless to say, such gestures ofUkrainian-Jewish good will did notgo unnoticed in Moscow. RadioMoscow wasted little time in assail–ing Mr. Suslensky's group and themeeting of the metropolitan and therabbi,labelling the development asa sign of an unholy nationalist-Zionist alliance. Ukrainians and Jews did find andnurture common cause. On Sep–tember 13, members of both com–munities in San Francisco, underthe aegis of the local UCCA chapterand the Bay Area Council on SovietJewry, staged a demonstration infront of the Soviet Consulate toprotest the continued imprisonmentof Soviet dissidents Anatoly Shcha–ransky, Ukrainian Oleksiy Muzhen–ko and Yuri Fedorov.But despite these positive steps,there were several areas of conti–nued disagreement and divisiveness.The most emotional and polarizingevents in terms of Ukrainian–Jewishrelations were the trials of severalUkrainians accused by the U.S.Justice Department of collaboratingwith the Germans during World War ll. On May 2, members of the JewishDefense League picketed the homeof Serge Kowalchuk in Philadel–phia, threatening to bring him to Jewish justice if the governmentdid not expedite his case, in spite ofpleas by leaders of the Ukrainianand Jewish communities in Phila–delphia, there was lingering bitter–ness over the denaturalization trialof Wolodymyr Osidach.A similar situation developed inCleveland as a result of the proceed–ings against John Demjanjuk.Although leaders of the UnitedUkrainian Organizations of GreaterCleveland and the Jewish Commu–nity Federation of Cleveland issued a joint statement urqinrj both com– munities to foster understandingrather than divisiveness, tensionsranhigh.Another area of continued misun–derstanding centered around allegedUkrainian complicity in the Holo–caust and allegations ofUkrainian complicity in theHolocaust and allegationsof Ukrainian anti-Semitismwhich appeared frequently inseveral leading publications thisyear. Much of the damage was doneby Holocaust scholar Lucy Dawido–wicz. in her review of Philip Freed–man's Essays on the Holocaust, which appeared in the January 11issue of The New York Times BookReview, she accused Ukrainianhistorians of revising their past,especially regarding the Ukrainianenthusiasm for the Nazis and volun–tary Ukrainian participation in Naziparamilitary organizations. in an article on Babyn Yar whichappeared in the Times in Septem–ber, Ms. Dawidowicz went so far asto implicate Ukrainians in the mas–sacre of Kiev's Jewish population rn1942,buttressing her allegation withthe rather dubious theory of a histo–rical pattern of Ukrainian anti-Semi–tism.Both articles in the Timesreceived high national visibility.Ms.Dawidowicz's theme wasechoed in a joint statement onbehalf of jailed Soviet Jewish acti– vist Dr. Alexander Paritsky by AlbertShanker, head of the United Federa–tion of Teachers, and SeymourLachman, professor of education atthe City University of New York, whoclaimed that persistent attacks a–gainst the defendant and his family resonate with the worst traditionsof Ukrainian anti-Semitism. Moreover, the Soviet Union issueda pamphlet, Yellow-Blue Anti-Semi–tism, a scurrilous little monographwhich brands all Ukrainian nationa–lists virulent anti-Semites.All these developments seriouslyundercut attempts at Ukrainian-Jewish cooperation, and they areinterpreted by many as indicators ofa Soviet disinformation blitz todiscredit Ukrainian nationalists inthe diaspora and drive a wedgebetween the Ukrainian and Jewishcommunities. After all, Ukrainiansand Jews, both here and in theSoviet Union, are unquestionablythe most vociferous critics of theregime. Therefore, the Soviets wouldlike nothing better than to see thetwo communities at each other'sthroats. A community divided The Ukrainian community conti–nued to be divided over the fateful13th Congress of the UCCA whichtook place in October 1980.Working under the motto corn-promise - yes; capitulation -never. the Committee for Law andOrder in the UCCA which had beenestablished by the some30 organizations that hadwalked out of the congress inprotest to by-laws violations andother irregularities, found in 1981that the UCCA representatives'stand was an intransigent one. TheCommittee for Law and Order andthe UCCA held several negotiationsessions during the year, but themeetings bore no fruit.if anything, the situation wasexacerbated when the presentUCCA summarily rejectedall four points that had been pre–sented by the Committee for Lawand Order as the basis for negotia–tions toward Ukrainian communityunity.Meanwhile, the Committee forLaw and Order established workingcommittees, began its ownfund-raising drive, and consideredthe establishment of a central or–ganization to serve the needs of theUkrainian community and fill thevoid left after the 13th Congress.At the same time, however, theCommittee for Law and Order saidthat it was not closing the door onfurther negotiations with the UCCA- all that was needed on the part ofthe present-day UCCA, committeerepresentatives said, was some signof good will. Church For Ukrainian Churches, the keyword of 1981 was dialogue. О n March 23, Arch bishop StephenSulyk, then the metropolitan-desig–nate for Ukrainian Catholics in theUnited States, met with Archbishop-Metropolitan Mstyslav at the Ukrai–nian Orthodox Center in SouthBound Brook, N.J. While inside St.Andrew's Memorial Ukrainian Or–thodox Church, in a spirit of Ukrai–nian and Christian unity, both hier–archs donned kamelaukions, theheadpieces worn by Eastern-riteprelates.On June 17, Metropolitan Msty–Paul ll named a metropolitan andtwo bishops for U.S. UkrainianCatholics.Patriarch Slipyj consecratedStephen Sulyk as archbishop andinnocent Lotocky as bishop in Romeon March 1. Archbishop Sulyk wasinstalled as metropolitan on March 31; and Bishop Lotocky as Chicagoeparch on April 2.Then,in August, the pope namedRobert Moskal titular bishop ofAgathopolis and auxiliary bishop ofPhiladelphia. The consecration tookplace in Philadelphia on October 13. The Ukrainian Orthodox Churchheld its 10th Sobor in South Bound Ukrainian Orthodox Metropolitan Mstyslav (right) visits Metropolitan StephenSulyk in Philadelphia on June 17.Metropolitan Stephen Sulyk (center) meets with Rabbi Marc Tannenbaum(second from left) in May. slav returned the visit of the Catho–lic Church leader when he visitednow-Metropolitan Sulyk in Philadel–phia.in yet another sign of unity -something that was so lacking inother spheres of Ukrainian commu–nity life - Ukrainian Orthodox andCatholic hierarchs of the UnitedStates and Canada pledged on June27 to jointly celebrate in 1988 themillennium of the coming of Chris–tianity to Rus'-Ukraine during thereign of St. volodymyr the Great.The year saw a series of consecra–tions and installations in the Ukrai–nian Catholic Church of the UnitedStates. On the basis of recommen–dations of the Synod of Bishops ofthe Ukrainian Catholic Churchwhich met in late 1980, Pope JohnBrook on May 27-31. At thistime,twonew bishops were named - AnatoleDublenskyj for Western Europe andJohn Scharba forthe western UnitedStates.During 1981, the Ukrainian Ortho–dox Church marked the 60thanni–versary of the historic First All-Ukrainian Sobor of the UkrainianAutocephalous Orthodox Churchheld in Ukraine, in 1921.To better serve the UkrainianOrthodox faithful and the entireUkrainian community, a 32 millionHome of Ukrainian Culture was builton the grounds of the UkrainianOrthodox Church Center in SouthBound Brook. The building wascompleted in the fall.  No. 52 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, DECEMBER 27, i98i 9 1981: an overview Polovchak case it has been a hectic year for 14-year-old Walter Polovchak, the U–krainian lad who touched off adiplomatic and legal tug-of-war inJuly 1980 when he ran away from hisparents to avoid returning with themto the USSR. He has been embroiledin a legal battle ever since.Even though Chicago attorneyJulian Kulas has said that his clientis adjusting well to life in America,his legal status remains up in theair. The American Civil Liberties Union, which is representing thePolovchaks, has claimed all alongthat the U.S. government was ill-advised to grant Walter, then a 12-year-old minor, political asylum,particularly in light of the fact thatscant evidence had been submittedin an lllinois juvenile court thatWalter had suffered any physical ormental abuse from his parents.This summer, it seemed like theJustice Department was on theverge of reversing itself and with– drawing the religious asylum it hadgranted Walter, it seemed youngWalter was about to be sold out.But on August 28, much to thechagrin of the ACLU and Walter'sparents, who by this time had re-turned to the Soviet Union andaccording to Soviet sources, wereprating on about СІА drugging oftheir son and other such things, theJustice Department announced thatit would continue to defend vigor–ously the asylum granted the lad.Citing the so-called supremacyclause in the U.S. Constitution,government lawyers argued thatfederal authority over immigrationmatters and foreign policy super-cedes the discretion of the lllinoiscourt, which is bound not to rule inany mannerthat could vitiate the go– vernment's grant of asylum andfacilitate his return to the Soviet Union. The ACLU disagrees, and thebattle continues in the lllinois Ap–pellate Court. The case, like theMadrid Conference on security andcooperation in Europe, could dragon for years.Meanwhile, Walter seems to becoping well, in November, his law–yers petitioned a Cook County Courtto allow an aunt and uncle in Cali– fornia to adopt him. By the time allthe complex legal matters are sortedout, Walter could be of age, andgranting custody to his parents thenwould be highly unlikely, in thePolovchak case, slow justice mayhave its rewards. The UNA The year 1981 is sure to be amemorable one in the history of theUNA and the Ukrainian communityat large because this was the yearthat the Ukrainian National Associa–tion and the Ukrainian FraternalOn September 20, the UNA ho–nored the founder of Svoboda, theRev. Hryhory Hrushka, when a mo–nument to him was moved from avandalized park in Cleveland toSoyuzivka and rededicated thereduring a special ceremony.in line with its long tradition of Part of the audience at the UNA-sponsored Ukrainian Opera in Concert atCarnegie Hall. Association formally announcedplans to merge the two fraternalorganizations into one UkrainianNational Fraternal Association. Themerger would create a 110,000-member-strong institutionwith S57 million in assets.Officers of the UNA and UFAmet at several meetings during theyear to discuss the details of themerger.This year was also a notable yearin terms of the record S45,000 ofscholarships that the UNA awardedto Ukrainian students in the UnitedStates and Canada.Because it was the year before the30th Regular UNA Convention,which is to be held in May 1982 inRochester, N.Y., it was a time of pre–paration for the quadrennial eventthat is sure to be one of the major de– termining factors as far as the futureof the Ukrainian community in thediaspora is concerned.promoting Ukrainian culture, theUNA sponsored a program titled Ukrainian Opera in Concert inNew York's Carnegie Hall on No–vember 15. The concert featured themusic of Ukrainian composers asperformed by the 100-member U–krainian Canadian Opera Chorus,the American Symphony Orchestra,soloists victoria Masnyk, HannaKolesnyk, Leonid Skirko and Boh– dan Chaplynsky - all under thebaton of Wolodymyr Kolesnyk. inprevious years, the UNA had spon–sored performances of Mykola Ar–kas's opera Kateryna, Paul Pe–cheniha-Ouglitzky's The Witch andLeonid Rudnytsky's Anna Yaro–slavna. Also in November, on the 14th, theUNA was co-sponsor, along with theUniversity of Minnesota lmmigra–tion History Research Center andthe Minnesota UCCA branch, of aprogram titled Ukrainians in NorthAmerica: a historical commemora– tion. During the event, Dr. Wasyl Halich, author of The Ukrainians inthe United States, the first work onUkrainians in America published inthe English language (1937), washonored as distinguished immigra–tion scholar. Tax crisis Making many headlines duringthe past year was the plight of theUkrainian institute of Americawhich was threatened with losing itstax-exempt status - a scenario thatendangered the very existence ofthe institute's landmark building onFifth Avenue and 79th Street. Theinstitute was among the thousandsof groups that had been notified byNew York City that their property-tax exemptions would be reviewed.On January 16, a group callingitself the Friends of the UlA wasestablished to aid the institute in itsfight against loss of its tax-exemptstatus. The Friends stated that theirgoals were to prevent the possiblesale of the UlA building, to worktoward the repeal of the real-estatetax levied on the UlA, to re-esta–blish The Ukrainian Museum at theinstitute, broaden the institute'smembership base and engage infund-raising. The Friends also setup a fund to help the institute in thelegal defense of its tax-free status.Somewhat suddenly and surpri–singly, the group was disbanded inMay, after it had raised thousands ofdollars for the UlA.Meanwhile, new directors wereelected to the UlA board, and the taxcrisis continues. Defector in 1981, victor Kovalenko, the 24-year-old Ukrainian sailor from theDonbas region who had defectedfrom a Soviet fishing trawler while itwas docked in Reykjavik, lceland,arrived in the United States, realiz–ing what he said had been a long- time dream of his.in the summer, Soviet authoritiesstripped Mr. Kovalenko of his Sovietcitizenship - something he couldcertainly live without.Defector and former Soviet citizenvictor Kovalenko. Former hostage On January 20, the day after HarryMetrinko turned 70, the Metrinkos ofOlyphant, Pa., received word thattheir son Michael, a U.S. embassypolitical officer in lran, was on theway home. His 444-day ordeal as oneof the 51 Americans held hostage inlran since November 4, 1979, wasover. Michael Metrinko came hometo Olyphant on January 28 and wastriumphantly welcomed by thou– sands who lined the streets.All the news was not good, how–ever. 11 was learned that M ichael hadbeen held in solitary confinement ina windowless five-step-by-five-stepcell for the first nine months of hiscaptivity. He said he had been struckon several occasions by his captors,had been handcuffed, blindfolded,subjected to various forms of psy–chological terror, and interrogated,often for up to seven hours at a time.Michael had become known as the forgotten hostage, since it wasnot until April 14, 1980, that therewas confirmation that he was in factamong the hostages. Shevchenko in N.Y. One hundred twenty years afterthe death of Taras Shevchenko, yetanother monument was erected intribute to the poet laureate of Ukraine- this one in Elmira Heights, N.Y. itis the third monument to Shev–chenko on public land in the UnitedStates. The monument - designedby Mychajlo Czereszniowsky whoincorporated a bas-relief by the lateAnton Pavlos - was unveiled inceremonies on August 23. it standsin a park named in honor of Shev–chenko and located across thestreet from St. Nicholas UkrainianCatholic Church. Mychajlo Czereszniowsky with modelfor the Elmira Heights, N.Y., Shev– chenko monument. Deaths During 1981 a number of promi–nent Ukrainians passed away.Mother Marie DolzyckaOSBM, 92,who devoted her life to the world-wide advancement of Ukrainianeducation and service to the Ukrai–nian Catholic Church - March 2;Archbishop Nicholas, 78, of theUkrainian Orthodox Church of Ca–nada - March 30;
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